Despite the extensive and growing literature on local and alternative food networks , this form of inquiry, which consists of “following the thing,” has not been extended to local commodities, including those produced through urban agriculture. Unlike global commodities, the products of urban agriculture are often equated with accountability and transparency and do not receive the same kind of critical scrutiny. We challenge this notion which conflates local with ethical by arguing that local food products, like global commodities, have complex symbolic and material lives that mask social relations. Their commodity circuits are shaped by socio-natural relationships involving people, places, things and forces that produce value both discursively and materially. This research builds on the commodity chain concept by implementing the sort of multi-locale ethnography employed by Cook to examine the local commodity circuits and micro-geographies of urban agriculture in San Diego County. In recent years, urban agriculture has seen a surge of interest in cities throughout the United States. This growing curiosity has been accompanied by increasing diversity in the networks of human and non-human actors enrolled in urban agriculture. For instance, the introduction of new production methods – namely, soilless hydroponic, aquaponic, and aeroponic growing – has increased the heterogeneity of urban agriculture networks in cities. This type of diversification, in particular, is the focus of this paper. Soilless and soil-based urban agriculture networks embody different, although sometimes overlapping, urban political economies and political ecologies . Further, the food commodities they produce are entangled in unique, locally articulated networks of human and non-human actors that materially and discursively shape the way food is planted, grown, harvested, marketed, desired, and consumed in the city. Inspired by Cook and Actor-Network Theory , we juxtapose vignettes from various nodes in the commodity circuits of soil-based and soilless urban agriculture products to better understand the place-based, socio-natural relationships that scaffold different urban agriculture commodities in San Diego County. Our contribution lies primarily in the comparative approach we adopt to study the networks underlying and shaping the activities of three urban growing sites in San Diego: Coastal Roots Farm, Solutions Farm,large plastic pots for plants and Mount Hope Community Garden, chosen based on their growing practices, discursive similarities and dissimilarities, and unique socio-spatial settings .
Rather than focusing on a single food item, such as a papaya, we consider the output of urban agriculture more broadly – whether it is a head of hydroponic lettuce or a radish pulled from the soil. Vignettes related to these three enterprises are the result of mixed method research that combines interview, media, US Census , and participant observation data. Thirty-four semi-structured interviews and participant observation were conducted between 2016 and 2018 at multiple sites in the local urban agriculture networks of the three case sites. The interviews were approximately an hour in length and covered institutional histories, actors’ personal motivations for participating in urban agriculture, their growing practices, their perceptions of the local food environment, and the struggles and barriers they perceive to urban agriculture. These data were analyzed using exploratory spatial data analysis , which allowed us to examine the socio-economic landscapes that are the setting for these actor-networks, and multi-locale ethnographic analysis, which included emergent coding in Dedoose online coding software . When coding the interviews, we paid particular attention to the race-, class-, and gender-based power dynamics that accompany different urban agriculture commodities as they travel from place to place gaining meaning and value. Combining and analyzing this data was necessary for examining the “people, connections, associations, and relationships across space” that influence justice narratives and practices. The comparative focus we take is a response to popular claims that soilless growing is incompatible with justice and calls for more reflexive, nuanced understandings of justice . The concept of local commodity circuits provides an innovative approach to analyze the power relations underlying various forms of urban agriculture and shaping their capacity to promote food justice. Finally, this research illustrates the practicality of a post-capitalist approach to justice that acknowledges incremental, but still important, steps towards building more just food systems in the absence of structural change. This theory builds on from the authors’ concept of “diverse economies” which recognizes “each individual economic transaction and practice as a possible site of struggle and ethical decision-making” and rejects a priori judgments that classify certain economic practices as “good or bad” . This position, we argue, provides a fruitful avenue for examining the placed, context-dependent justice practices that unfold in the “here and now” . Especially important is its ability to recognize everyday actions that can “support conditions for positive social and economic transformation” .
This weaves productively with the everyday, nuanced justice advocated by Goodman, Dupuis and Goodman in their reflexive theory of justice. Indeed, Chatterton and Pickerill note the need for “detailed empirical accounts of the messy, gritty and real everyday rhythms as activists envision, negotiate, build and enact life beyond the capitalist status quo in the everyday” . This research seeks to answer this call by examining the multiple openings for justice found throughout local urban agriculture commodity circuits. Commodity circuits are scaffolded by ‘geographical knowledges’– peoples’ understandings of specific places . These knowledges and/or imaginaries include the settings, biographies, and origins and are “fragmentary, multiple, contradictory, inconsistent and, often, downright hypocritical” . The concept of geographical imaginations builds on Marxism’s commodity fetishism, which recognizes commodities as more than physical – “they are both things and relations” that have social and geographic lives and trajectories that are hidden behind their exchange value .Here, commodities are hybrid actants, as much social as they are natural, that exist in networks held together by their relations . The idea of ‘actants’ is unique to Actor-Network Theory. Latour notes, “An actant can literally be anything provided it is granted to be the source of action” , recognizing the importance of things, which lack the motivations typically associated with human actors, in driving action . Agency, as result, is less about intentional actions, and more about associations or network . In this research, we focus on stakeholders and organizations and refer to them as ‘actors’ because they have motivations and particular agendas that drive their action. We do not intend to simplify or ignore the role of actants such as narratives, growing materials, permits, and more that “authorize, allow, afford, encourage,permit, suggest, influence, block, render possible, forbid, and so on” action . Agency is a “distributed effect” of the associations between these things and actors in Actor-Network Theory . Examining these associations “allows us to explain the mechanism of power and organization in society and to understand how different things … come to be, how they endure over time, or how they fail” . However, critics of Actor-Network Theory note that agency is not evenly distributed and that this question of power differentials is missing from the theory. In fact, “some actants ‘marshall’ the power of others and, in doing so,plant pots with drainage limit the latter’s agency” . This gap, we argue, is remedied by intersecting Actor-Network Theory with commodity circuit analysis in which power relations are a central characteristic of networks.
Geographies of food undoubtedly lend themselves to the use of Actor-Network Theory , although researchers have questioned the transformative potential of research that describing lived experiences and associations without explicitly engaging larger structures such as the political economy. Goss argues that this ‘cultural turn’ “risk[s] throwing out the babies with the bathwater: rejecting a caricature of commodity fetishism they lose a concept that provides insight into the relationship between the material and symbolic” . However, in response, Cook argues that the theory exists “between the lines” and exploring the everyday associations that underlie commodities does inspires empathy and political transformation . Despite their disagreement, the two vantage points have much to offer one another. We agree that if we, as researchers, are to be agents of change and inspire effective, political action, we must engage and embed audiences in the lives of ‘others’ to inspire empathy and challenge faulty geographical imaginaries. However, we must be more than story-tellers hoping that the pieces come together in the minds of our readers – we must use theory to articulate the connections that we hope audiences would find ‘between the lines’. This research seeks to do just that in its examination of local, urban agriculture commodity circuits. This research uses Actor-Network Theory to unravel the geographical imaginations that structure the people, places, things, and forces – the “dots” –in our networks. Seeing the dots as relational, hybrid, and situated allows us to untie anterior narratives around the socialness and/or naturalness of actants in our networks and focus instead on relations and connections as they relate to food justice. We do attempt to make sense of the connections for readers; however, we do not see this as creating a ‘critical knowledge’ for consumption as Cook and Crang have described it. Instead, we see it as handing our readers a map of the theoretical trails we have identified that they may follow or stray from as they examine and build their own understandings of these networks. This theoretical map is built from a series of vignettes presented side by side that allow readers to make connections and develop their own critical understandings as they “follow the thing” before we input our own critical understandings. This research does not end with these pages, but is a continuing collaborative effort between the actors and actants outlined in its vignettes, its readers, and ourselves. Cool, humid, bright. The greenhouse at Solutions Farms vibrates with slow, continuous activity.
Dave, a retired marine whose curiosity for the science of aquaponics led him to Solutions, reminds me not to take photographs of the workers – men and women from seemingly all walks of life – as they tend numerous rows of white, plastic trays overflowing with green and purple lettuces. The workers are participants in Solutions for Change’s program which seeks to break the cycle of homelessness in families throughout San Diego County. The program focuses on combining skills, knowledge, and resources to participants including “transformational” housing, health services, counseling, life skills like financial literacy, and job training. Get up, suit up, show up. The unofficial motto of the program stated by each team member I interview at Solutions Farms. Dots of red embellish the lettuces’ soft leaves like ornaments. Step closer and the dots come to life. Lady bugs crawling slowly across the leaves in search of aphids – small, pesky insects that feed on the lettuces’ sap and, ultimately, the farm’s profits. The fish – all male tilapia – live in 2,000-liter tanks in the aquaculture room next door. Warm, humid, dark. Dave conducts this orchestra of people, plants, fish, insects, fungus, bacteria, minerals, nutrients, moisture, and machinery. There’s more chemistry and biology and physics and engineering than you can shake a stick at 2 . He was a volunteer at the farm until their systems specialist put in his two weeks. An amalgam of people, places, objects, and forces shape and structure the local commodity circuits of soilless and soil-based urban agriculture described in the vignettes above. This research sought to connect the dots between these vignettes in order to “lift the veil” and uncover the social relations that underlie these often taken for granted circuits. We did so by combining commodity circuit analysis and Actor-Network Theory to examine and compare the socio-natural relationships that comprise the placed networks that structure the commodity circuits and influence their abilities to enact justice. This practice illustrates the nuanced nature of justice as it unfolds across urban agriculture commodity circuits and provides evidence of the relationships that create openings for justice to be enacted and/or co-opted by actors. In addition to examining the connections within and between the vignettes, we created a network diagram that encapsulates the people, places, and institutions enrolled in the separate urban agriculture actor-networks that span the three commodity circuits. The diagram illustrates the flows of knowledge, capital, labor, food, and other resources between actors.