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Original leaves were designated as leaves present on the seedling at the beginning of the experiment

High concentrations of Na+ in the cytoplasm disrupt the ionic balance and the uptake of essential mineral nutrients, such as K+, which in turn causes adverse effects on many metabolic pathways. To cope with salt stress, plants have evolved various tolerance mechanisms including two transport processes at the single cell level. Either exporting Na+ out of the cell, or compartmentalizing excessive Na+ into the vacuole. These two transport mechanisms act in a coordinated manner to maintain a low Na+ concentration in the cytoplasm. However, it remains unknown if they are regulated by the same or different signaling pathways. The SOS pathway is generally viewed as a signaling mechanism for the activation of the Na+ efflux through SOS1, a NHX-type Na+/H+ exchanger in the plasma membrane. The loss of function of SOS genes thus results in hypersensitivity to NaCl, coupled with the Na+ over-accumulation in the cytoplasm. On the other hand, some Na+/H+ exchangers are localized in the tonoplast and may be involved in transporting Na+ from the cytoplasm to the vacuole. However, the exact role of different NHX isoforms responsible for salt tolerance remains unclear. Interestingly, the two distinct but inter-connected salt transport processes appear to be both regulated by calcium signaling, in which calcineurin B-like proteins are thought to be the primary calcium sensors during salt stress adaptation. Among them, CBL4 and CBL10 display distinct tissue expression patterns and subcellular localizations. The spatial specificity of these two calcium sensors may contribute to their functional diversification in salt stress adaptation. In order to understand how they work synergistically in the regulation of salt tolerance,plastic pots 30 liters we genetically analyzed the salt-sensitive phenotype of the cbl4 cbl10 double mutant in comparison with the single mutants.

The cbl4 cbl10 double mutant was dramatically more sensitive to salt as compared to the cbl10 and cbl4 single mutants, suggesting that CBL4 and CBL10 either functionally overlap or each directs an independent salt-tolerance pathway. If the two CBLs are functionally overlapping, they should regulate the same transport processes and then the double mutant should not only show more severe phenotype but also show more severe deviation in the Na+ and K+ contents as compared to the wild-type plants. However, that was not the case: cbl4 and cbl10 displayed generally opposite Na+ and K+ profiles. Although the cbl4 cbl10 double mutant plants showed Na+ over-accumulation compared to the wild type, but significantly lower Na+ content than the cbl4 single mutant . This suggests that CBL10 should not be involved in the CBL4-regulated Na+ extrusion process , although these two calcium sensors interact with a common downstream kinase CIPK24 . Instead, CBL10 should regulate a distinct Na+-transport process in response to high salt, probably the Na+ sequestration into the vacuole, as suggested by its tonoplast localization and the lower Na+ content in the cbl10 mutants. This is consistent with the general theme that the Na+ efflux or Na+ sequestration into the vacuole both contribute to salt tolerance and disrupting either may result in elevation of the Na level in the cytoplasm and thus leading to salt sensitivity. Certainly disrupting both transport processes would lead to more severe salt sensitivity, which match the more sensitive phenotype of cbl4 cbl10. Previous studies suggested that CIPK24 serves as the common downstream target of CBL4 and CBL10 by forming CBL4-CIPK24 or CBL10-CIPK24 complex at the plasma or vacuolar membrane separately. Although our findings in this study supported this hypothesis, they also suggested that other CIPKs, in addition to CIPK24, should be also involved in the CBL10-mediated pathway based on the genetic evidence that double mutants of cbl4 cbl10 and cipk24 cbl10 displayed a significant enhancement in Na+ sensitivity as compared to cipk24 .

Indeed, screened by the yeast two-hybrid assay, we found that CBL10 did interact with other CIPKs in addition to CIPK24 . Various combinations of CBL10 with different CIPKs may target different target proteins and exhibit diverse functions. To examine whether SOS1 is a downstream component of CBL10 in the pathway, we also compared the salt sensitivity between sos1 cbl10 and sos1. In our test conditions, the salt sensitivity of cbl4 cbl10 and sos1 cbl10 was comparable to sos1 , suggesting that SOS1 may serve as aconverging point for the two CBL pathways. However, the double mutants cbl4 cbl10 and sos1 cbl10 accumulated much lower Na+ content than the single mutants of cbl4 and sos1, respectively, under salt conditions , which implies that CBL10 and SOS1 functions in two different transport processes in regulating Na+ homeostasis. For instance, in the sos single mutants in which the Na+ efflux is blocked, the CBL10 pathway functions to transport Na+ into the vacuole leading to the over-accumulation of Na+ in plant tissues. When the vacuole sequestration is defective in the cbl10-associated double mutants, the Na+ uptake is inhibited as a feedback of lacking storage space, leading to less accumulation and thus lower Na+ content in these double mutants as compared to the sos single mutants . Despite overall lower Na+ content in plant tissues, the double mutants showed similar salt sensitivity as sos1 because the majority of Na+ in these double mutants is in the cytoplasm effectively causing toxicity. Our results thus provide an example where a two-tier evaluation system must be implemented for dissecting salt tolerance mechanism in plants: First by whole-plant phenotyping and further by the analysis of Na+/K+ homeostasis . Concerning the target transporters for CBL10, all evidence so far supports the hypothesis that the CBL10-CIPK pathway may regulate Na-transporters in the tonoplast. Sequestration of Na+ into the vacuole is presumably fulfilled by an array of Na + transporters that include the vacuole-localized NHX-type Na+ /H+ transporters.

However, recent genetic evidence indicates that vacuole-localized antiporters NHX1-4 have Na+-transport activities but may not contribute much to the vacuolar Na+ compartmentation, because the quadruple knockout mutant nhx1/2/3/4 is not more sensitive to NaCl than the wild type. Furthermore, vacuoles isolated from the quadruple mutant still retain the Na+ uptake that is independent to the pH gradient, implicating the presence of NHX-independent Na+ transporters in Arabidopsis vacuoles. We speculate that some of these unknown transporters may serve as CBL10-CIPK targets. On the other hand, endosomal compartments emerge as critical players that may be directly involved in controlling Na+ homeostasis. A possible but yet to be proved model is that the Na+ sequestration into the plant vacuole may actually be achieved, at least in part,round plastic pots through endosomal Na+ scavenging processes and subsequent fusion to the vacuole. NHX5 and NHX6 are localized to endosomal compartments and associated with protein trafficking from the Golgi/Trans-Golgi Network to vacuoles. Supporting this hypothesis is the finding that disruption of two endosomal NHXs in the nhx5 nhx6 double mutant showed increased sensitivity to salinity . Considering the fact that a proportion of the CBL10 protein was also localized to the dynamic endosomal compartments, NHX5/6 could also act as the candidate targets of the CBL10-CIPK complexes. In a recent work, translocon of the outer membrane of the chloroplasts 34 was identified as a novel interaction partner protein of CBL10 at the outer membrane of chloroplasts, clearly indicating that CBL10 can relay Ca2+ signals in more diverse ways than currently known.Identification of target transporter directly regulated by the CBL10-CIPK module is an important and challenging task for future research, which would also unravel the pathway through which Na+ is deposited into the plant vacuole. Treated wastewater, commonly called reclaimed or recycled water, is a valuable water source in arid and semi-arid areas where fresh water sources are becoming increasingly scarce due to urbanization and climate change . Reclaimed water may have many beneficial applications, including agriculture irrigation and landscape irrigation. In the state of California, these irrigation uses account for 37% and 18%, respectively, of the 650,000 acre-feet per year of water reuse . State policy calls to increase the use of reclaimed water to more than 2.5 million acre-feet per year by 2030 . Accompanying increased reuse, the presence and environmental risks of unregulated organic contaminants in reclaimed water are drawing attention . Pharmaceutical and personal care products and endocrine disrupting compounds are typically anthropogenic chemicals with known biological effects that may interfere with normal metabolism and behaviors of organisms .

Many PPCP/EDCs are routinely found in reclaimed water , as well as in surface water impacted by wastewater treatment plant effluent and in groundwater . When reclaimed water is used for irrigation, the associated PPCP/ EDCs may interact with the soil matrix and may contaminate groundwater and food crops . Accumulation of PPCP/EDCs into food crops that are consumed fresh, such as many leafy vegetables, is relevant due to the likelihood of unintentional human exposure. If research demonstrates that accumulation of PPCP/EDCs by crops is unlikely to result in human health risks, this will provide scientific basis to promote use of reclaimed water, as well as enhance positive public perception of water reuse. Many factors influence the uptake of organic compounds into plants, such as by affecting diffusion through cell membranes. Briggs et al. suggested that chemical hydrophobicity is an important factor affecting uptake by diffusion and that chemicals with a log Kow of 1 – 3.5 have the greatest plant uptake potential because lipid and aqueous solubility are balanced . In addition to hydrophobicity, molecular ionization has also been shown to influence plant accumulation, such as of herbicides . Charged molecules may have a reduced potential for plant uptake, since ionization may reduce their ability to permeate cell membranes . However, the role of ionization is poorly understood and exceptions have been noted . To date only a handful of studies have considered plant uptake of PPCP/EDCs . While these studies have clearly shown the ability for plants to take up PPCP/EDCs, the state of knowledge is limited to a few compounds or plant types. Due to the analytical challenges of detecting chemicals at trace levels in plant matrices, most studies also relied on the use of artificially high concentrations, with a few exceptions . In this study, we comparatively determined the accumulation of four commonly occurring PPCP/EDCs, i.e., bisphenol A , diclofenac , naproxen , or nonylphenol , at relevant environmental levels into two leafy vegetables, lettuce and collards, and examined the composition and distribution of accumulated residues. These compounds have been frequently detected in reclaimed water and surface water , and have different ionization states at neutral pH. To achieve realistically low concentrations while affording quantitative measurement, 14C-labeled compounds were used. Results were used to infer effects of plant type and compound characteristics on plant accumulation and estimate probable human intakes. Following 21 d of hydroponic cultivation, plants were sacrificed for analysis of 14C accumulation and distribution. Each whole plant was rinsed with DI water, and then separated into roots, stems, new leaves, and original leaves.Individual plant samples were placed in pre-weighed metal screen pouches, weighed to determine wet weight, and dried at 50 °C for 60 h. After drying, each plant sample was weighed to measure the dry weight, and then chopped and mixed in a stainless steel coffee grinder. The grinder was rinsed between samples with DI water and methanol to prevent cross contamination. Multiple 150 mg sub-samples of each plant sample were analyzed until standard deviation of the sub-samples was below 20%, due to notable variation in plant tissue activity. Sub-samples were combusted on an OX-500 Biological Oxidizer at 900 °C for 4 min, and the evolved 14CO2 was trapped in 15 mL of Harvey Carbon-14 cocktail . The 14C was measured on a Beckman LS 5000TD Liquid Scintillation Counter . Recovery was 91-96% for spiked standards,which was used to correct for the actual activity. The activity and weight of the sub-samples were used to determine the total radioactivity accumulated in different tissues of each plant. Analysis of 14C by combustion provided information on total residue in plant tissues. To better understand the nature of the residue, plant samples were solvent extracted using a method modified from Wu et al. . The fractions of 14C in solvent-extractable and nonextractable forms were separately determined.

The coefficients indicate that all three inputs impacted knowledge production positively

Expenditures on salaries act as an incentive system to make the current advisor FTE more productive, which enhances productivity, as is indicated by our results. Expenditures on infrastructure have a positive impact on knowledge production before the threshold level is reached, beyond which the impact becomes negative. In this respect, our findings for the extension system in California suggest that the research and dissemination by agricultural extension is similar to that of a research only system. The quadratic behavior of the expenditures on infrastructure was found significant, with a negative sign for the quadratic term. This finding is similar to the results in Roper and Hewitt-Dundas , Jordan and O’Leary , and Charlot et al. . Such results suggest an inverse U-shaped relationship between knowledge production and fixed infrastructure investment. The support in findings on the inverse U-shaped impact of research infrastructure on knowledge production we get from literature on non-agricultural research, is very helpful for validating the results in our analysis with focus on agricultural research and extension in California.We found that expenditures on infrastructure per-unit FTE as a research input has diminishing marginal effects on knowledge production. Marginal product of advisor FTE calculated at the mean value of the input and knowledge index equals 106.33; this implied that one unit increase in county FTE led to nearly 106 additional counts of knowledge production. Marginal products of expenditures on salaries per FTE and infrastructure per FTE are 0.003and −0.0003,respectively. Marginal products values calculated at the mean emphasized the importance of advisor FTE as a research input.

hey also brought forward the issue of diminishing returns on investments in incentives and infrastructures. We conducted several robustness checks by running regression for models using each of the three broad categories of knowledge production and dissemination instead of the calculated knowledge index. The three broad categories are: direct contacts, indirect contact, and publications and research projects as dependent variables. The results of the robustness checks are reported in Appendix Tables A2, A3, and A4. The results suggest similar range of coefficients for each of the variables,hydroponic bucket similar signs and significance levels across the various estimated models. Thus, these results suggest that the empirical knowledge function we use is robust. Endogeneity, if exists, could be found in the sphere of budget allocation for extension work at the county level. It could be argued that level of budget allocation is a function of the agricultural performance of the county, and thus introducing endogeneity biases in our estimates. However, following interviews with county directors, decisions on budget allocations among the counties in California are made based on political negotiations between the county directors and the UCCE system. Furthermore, as suggested by Guttman , Rose-Ackerman and Evenson , Pardey and Pardey and Craig , political rather than just economics efficiency criteria influence the allocation of public agricultural research and extension resources.We have estimated the contemporaneous impact of UC Cooperative Extension on the production of knowledge through research and extension work that is conducted in all California counties. Available data on R&D expenditures and knowledge products was used to construct a unique data set for seven years, spanning from 2007 to 2013. The data contained information on extension advisor FTE, expenditures on advisor FTE salaries, and on advisor FTE infrastructure. We obtained data on a number of knowledge production and dissemination methods. They are categorized into 11 subcategories, and three broad categories.

We computed a weighted average knowledge index variable with the weights provided by UCCE county directors via an electronic survey. The contribution of this work is the quantification of extension research input and in the fact that the trends and relative importance of research variables found in an extension research and dissemination system in California are similar to previous results of the agricultural research system in the USA, and previous results from several industrial research and development activities around the world. Both these similarities suggest that a research and dissemination agricultural extension behaves similarly to industrial research systems. One limitation of the study is that we were able to capture only the contemporaneous impact of research inputs on the production and dissemination of knowledge, due to data constraints. With further availability of data, analysis of long-run impact will enable policymakers to make informed decisions on investments in research inputs. This will enable sustained knowledge production and dissemination. Another limitation of the study is the lack of information on components of the research inputs, such as attributing research outcomes and extension impact to advisors, rather than distinguishing among advisors, based on seniority and experience. Such a distinction related to university research was performed in a study by Gurmu et al. . Some potential issues with the variable specifications deserve a mention. The variable FTE includes UCCE county advisors. Incorporation of detailed data on knowledge produced and disseminated by UCCE specialists at the county level would provide a more complete picture of the knowledge production mechanism. Data on FTE experience and expertise could also refine our results and understanding of the input-output relationship. Research-based agricultural knowledge is one of the most important inputs in the enhancement of agricultural productivity , and evidence suggests significant impacts on current productivity from the past 35 years of research-based knowledge . Therefore, better understanding of relevant research inputs, environments in which substitution between inputs is viable, and long-term impact of shifts in investments in research inputs have a great deal of importance for policy purposes.

This paper poses and provides answers to some of these questions and indicates possible directions for future study on this issue. Another point to address is the international and national relevance of this work to the literature and to policy practitioners. California is a leader in agricultural production. California extension system is a leader in extension knowledge that feeds into the agricultural production in the state. Therefore, understanding the process of knowledge creation by agricultural extension in California is of interest to researchers and practitioners in other states and countries. The finding in this study suggests that data collection and analysis for public extension activities are essential for proper policy consideration of a public knowledge system, which faces budget pressure world-wide. While the coefficients estimated for the case of California represent California situation, the trends of the coefficients are general and relevant to other states and countries around the world. With the data challenges we faced in this study, our results indicate the importance of the policymaker to be able to quantify the process of knowledge production in the agricultural extension systems. California ranks first among the top five national agricultural producers,stackable planters according to the California Statistical Review 2014–15 , with crop cash receipts amounting $53.5 billion . Irrigated agriculture in California consumes on average about 85% of the available renewable water resources in the state . Agricultural extension plays a major role in keeping agriculture sustainable and profitable . Therefore, the need for a reliable system of data collection on agricultural extension activities and knowledge produced at the state and county levels would enhance the ability to identify the determinants of knowledge production by the extension system. Finally, we observed, as Pardey and Alston et al. also did, that the public budget allocated to agricultural and extension has declined over time. The lesser funding allocated to UCCE over time is not because knowledge has decreased; in fact, we claim that it is the opposite, knowledge production has declined because there was less funding due to recession or/and budgetary constraints in the University of California system as a result of financial difficulties faced by the state of California during the years we analyze.Human-altered landscapes are expanding globally and are often associated with declining natural habitat, non-native species, fragmentation, and transformations in structure, inputs, climate, and connectivity. These changes collectively have resulted in shifts in both spatial distributions and species diversity across many taxa including birds, mammals, reptiles, amphibians, invertebrates, and plants.

One common driver of global change is urbanization, which in the extreme is associated with a reduction in biodiversity compared to habitats in their more natural state. However, in moderately urbanized areas, the effects of urban impacts on species distribution and diversity can vary greatly and depends on region, type of change, and taxonomic group, among other factors. Documenting the effects of urbanization compared to natural communities has proven problematic, making predictions of community change associated with urbanization difficult. Human-altered landscapes are often associated with many non-native species which add to species diversity but also can obscure changes in community dynamics. Thus, to assess accurately the complex impacts of land use change on ecological communities, one must look beyond species richness to investigate ecological processes themselves. Ecological processes are the links between organisms in a functioning ecosystem, and are critical in understanding how altered biodiversity can lead to changes in ecosystem functioning. Global environmental change has been found to have a wide variety of impacts on ecological processes in different systems. Pollinator-plant relationships in particular are found to be particularly vulnerable to land use change, resulting in decreases in interaction strength and frequency. Pollination services are crucial ecosystem processes in natural systems, but also in agricultural and urban areas. Bees provide the majority of animal-mediated pollination services on which it is estimated 87.5% of flowering plants depend. The value of pollination in agriculture is estimated at $200 billion worldwide, largely due to many foods that are essential for food security and a healthy human diet, including numerous fruits, vegetables, and nuts that require bee pollination. As urban areas expand, there has been increasing interest in urban agriculture to ensure food security and access to healthy foods for growing populations, and these systems also depend on pollination. For example, Kollin estimated that the economic value of urban fruit trees to be worth $10 million annually in San Jose, California. Despite the important role of pollinators and concerns about bee declines, there remain many uncertainties regarding the impact of land use change on pollinators. Urbanization has resulted in more interfaces with both natural and agricultural landscapes, creating new transitional zones of peri-urbanization. While there has been extensive pollinator research in agricultural and natural systems, less attention has focused on pollination in neighboring urban areas and how the changing landscape has impacted pollination. In addition, very few studies of urban areas have looked beyond changes in bee diversity to understand explicitly the effect of urbanization on pollinator-plant interactions. Here, we investigate the effect of land use change on pollinator plant ecosystem processes. We make use of a ‘‘natural experimental design’’ in which urban, agricultural, and natural areas intersect. Bees visit flowers for both pollen and nectar resources, and floral visitation is a commonly used as an index of pollination services. However, depending on the flower, certain bee groups are much more effective pollinators than others. Thus, while visitation is important, it alone does not definitively indicate whether pollination services were received by the plant. When pollen is limited by other factors, consequences for plant fitness can include failure to set seed, production of smaller fruits, and even complete lack of reproduction. By looking at rates of bee visitation and comparing this with other measures of plant fitness, such as seed set, we can develop a more complete understanding of how shifts in bee distributions between areas that differ in land use are impacting pollination services. To study the impact of changing land use on pollinator-plant interactions, we focus on bee pollination of a widespread plant, yellow starthistle , a common weed found in natural, agricultural, and urban habitats. Using standardized observations of floral visitation and seed set measurements of yellow starthistle, we test the hypotheses that increasing urbanization decreases 1) rates of bee visitation, 2) viable seed set, and 3) the efficiency of pollination . In addition to contributing to a better understanding of how change in landscape use, particularly urbanization, affects pollination-plant interactions, the study illustrates the importance of use of neighboring lands for pollination services.We observed visits by all bee species to yellow starthistle at all sites 3 times for a 30 min period for a total of 90 min of total observation time per site within the same 2 wk period in August 2011.

Nitrous oxide emissions alone accounted for approximately 26% of the total

However if the timing and controls on hot moments are unknown or sporadic, less frequent sampling may significantly underestimate N2O emissions . Our results suggest that roughly 8,000 randomized individual chamber flux measurements would be needed to accurately estimate annual N2O budgets from these agricultural peat lands with a 95% confidence interval and 10% margin of error, assuming the drivers of hot moments were not well understood. Approximately 500 individual measurements would yield a 50% margin of error. Given the more sporadic nature of CH4 hot moments, our results suggest that it is even more difficult to accurately estimate CH4 fluxes with periodic sampling in these ecosystems. Analyses found that at least 17,000 and 2,500 individual flux measurements would be needed to estimate annual CH4 budgets within a 10% and 50% margin of error, respectively. The agricultural maize peat land soil studied here was a much larger source of soil GHG emissions than other maize agroecosystems. While agricultural peat soils are highly productive, average annual GHG emissions were 3.6-33.3 times greater on an area-scaled basis and 3-15.6 times greater on yield-scaled basis relative to other agricultural maize emissions estimates. We conducted an upscaling exercise as a first approximation of the potential impacts of maize peat land fluxes on regional GHG budgets. Our estimates suggested that maize agriculture on similar peat soils in the region could emit an average of 1.86 Tg CO2e y-1 .This value is significantly higher than previous estimates for the region and highlights the importance of including high frequency N2O measurements to capture hot moments in N2O fluxes,plastic pots 30 liters the disproportionate impact N2O emissions have on agricultural peat land GHG budgets, and that these agricultural peat lands are significant N2O sources.

We also found that irrigation timing and duration, not fertilization, was the predominant driver of N2O and CH4 emissions and a significant source of the total GHG budget. Determining management strategies that reduce soil N2O and CH4 emissions, particularly changes in flood irrigation timing and duration, could have a disproportionate impact on reducing total agricultural peat land GHG emissions .Although legends of humans using coffee in Ethiopia date back as early as 875 A.D., the earliest verifiable evidence of human coffee consumption occurs in Yemen in the 15th century. At this time, it was illegal to bring unroasted coffee out of Arabia, and strict measures were taken to ensure that viable coffee seeds did not leave the country. The birth of coffee production in India is attributed to the Indian Muslim saint Baba Budan, who, on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, allegedly smuggled seven coffee beans out of Arabia by hiding them in his beard. In 1670 he planted these seeds in Karnataka, and cultivation soon spread throughout the state and into neighboring regions. The first large-scale plantations arose with British colonization and spread rapidly throughout South India, fueled by increasing demand for export to northern latitudes. The proliferation of coffeehouses in Western Europe during this era proved to have substantial social consequences. Also known as “Penny Universities” since the price of entry and a cup of coffee was commonly one penny, coffeehouses in 17th century Britain came to play an important role in social and political discourse. In a society with such a rigid socioeconomic class structure, coffeehouses were unique because they were one of the only places frequented by customers of all classes.Thus they became popular establishments for discourse and debate, open to all classes and unfettered by the structure of academic universities. Intellectuals found in “the hot black liquor a curious stimulus quite unlike that produced by fermented juice of grape.”English coffeehouses “provided public space at a time when political action and debate had begun to spill beyond the institutions that had traditionally contained them,” and because of this, are widely accepted as playing a significant role in birthing the age of Enlightenment in Europe.While coffee was bringing the Enlightenment to Western Europe, the commodity was having opposite effects in the regions where it was being produced.

In India, the age of British plantations was rife with suffering and oppression, as slavery and forced labor were common practice. Historical research reveals that “during Europe’s industrial revolution and rise of bourgeois society, slavery, coffee production, and plantations were inextricably linked.”Historical records indicate that in the 1830s, the East India Company held over 247,000 slaves in Wayanad the Malabar coast alone.Even after slavery was officially abolished in 1861, so-called “agricultural slavery” and indentured labor on plantations continued. 8 According to historical accounts, indentured laborers were treated almost identically as they were during the height of slavery. To this day, an estimated 18.3 million people in India and 46 million people worldwide live in conditions of modern defacto slavery, such as bonded labor, human trafficking, and forced marriage. The global coffee market has always been volatile. Plagued by unpredictable harvests, susceptibility to weather events, and massive disease outbreaks, regional coffee production has risen and fallen dramatically over the centuries. For example, in the late 19th century in Sri Lanka an outbreak of the fungal pathogen known as “coffee rust” caused 90 percent of area under coffee cultivation on the island to be abandoned. 11 This past century has been no different for India. As the Great Depression affected coffee exports around the world in the 1930s, the Coffee Board of India was established to protect farmers and promote consumption of coffee. The Coffee Board of India, run by the federal government’s Ministry of Commerce and Industry, pooled farmers’ coffee for export at a set price. This provided price stability for farmers but also eliminated incentives to improve quality. From 1991 – 1996 a series of economic reforms relegated the coffee market in India entirely to the private sector. Immediately thereafter, the price of coffee fell from its 1997 levels of around $2.50 per pound to a staggering 45 cents per pound in 2002, the lowest it has been in over fifty years.India was not alone in this plight. While certainly not the only cause of financial insecurity among farmers, the spread of neoliberalism and free trade in the global commodity market has historically been associated with large increases in price volatility and overall downward trends in price, which has had deleterious effects for small-scale producers who depend on these markets for their livelihoods.

Especially in the 1980s and 1990s, growth and consolidation among multinational commodity traders led to a relative loss of market power among producing nations, while foreign pressure from international donors forced many of those nations to privatize their commodity export authorities against their own best interests.This has led to income instability and poverty for many coffee farmers around the world. The coffee farmers of Kerala are facing many of the same challenges that currently plague coffee farmers all over the world. In recent years the global price of coffee has fell drastically from $2.88-per-pound in 2011 to 93 cents-per-pound as of May 2019.While maintaining its downward trend over the past decade, the price continues to fluctuate wildly, making it impossible for farmers to budget their yearly expenses. It is not unheard of for the price to even dip below an individual farmer’s production costs,round plastic pots leaving powerless farmers forced to sell their harvest at a loss, or let it spoil in the fields and get nothing at all. How is it possible that coffee farmers are selling their harvest for less than what it cost them to produce it? While this seems paradoxical to the very basis of economics, it is a common situation facing farmers of many different cash crops, where prices are determined by what are called “buyer-driven supply chains.” While many factors go into the creation of buyer-driven supply chains, some of the few largest factors are discussed below. All this to say, farmers do not have the capacity to determine the price they get for their own products. Prices are driven by market conditions, speculation, futures contracts, and corporate interests who control the majority of world-market shares. With the growth of powerful commodities traders and the liberalization of international markets, prices for coffee and incomes for farmers have reached historic lows. This has led to an increasingly tenuous existence for those who already struggle to get by. Historically, coffee cultivation consisted of only one plant species, Coffea arabica. Today, Coffea arabica still makes up most of the world’s coffee production , but cultivation of another species, Coffea canephora, also known as robusta coffee, is growing due to its higher levels of hardiness and productivity.In addition, a very small amount of a third species Coffea liberica is grown. Although modern coffee production is currently limited to the scope of these three species, a large diversity of sub-varieties and hybrids are grown throughout the world, each with their own unique flavors and characteristics. Coffea arabica is widely lauded as having the best cup quality, and consistently fetches a higher price on the global commodity market. It also tends to grow better in slightly shaded conditions, making it conducive to traditional inter cropping methods.

In India, Coffea arabica is usually grown under the shade of other cultivated trees, such as jackfruit and areca nut, or under the shade of native forest trees, which are used to support vines of black pepper.In the under story below the coffee plants ginger, clove and turmeric are grown. In addition to sustaining families of farmers for generations, a recent study has shown that these multi-species farms support much higher levels of animal biodiversity than conventional monocultures, and that they sequester soil carbon at the same rate as surrounding rain forests. However, the rise of C. canephora as a cash crop has changed things in Kerala. Due to its higher yields and tolerance to pests such as coffee rust C. canephora plantations have replaced multi-species C. arabica farms over huge swaths of India in recent decades. Today, nearly 80% of coffee grown in Wayanad and surrounding regions is C. canephora. Since this robusta species prefers full-sun conditions, this shift away from C. arabica is associated with the removal of shade trees and a proliferation of full-sun monoculture coffee plantations. This has had substantial consequences for biodiversity, erosion, watershed management, and other ecosystem services.This has the potential to negatively impact the small amount of C. arabica that remains in Kerala. Studies indicate that deforestation can lead to a hotter and drier local climate.Coffea arabica is a finicky plant, thriving in a narrow temperature range between 18˚ – 21˚ Celcius.It follows that this pattern of tree removal could lead to conditions in Kerala becoming less ideal for Coffea arabica. This would suggest the potential for a feedback loop, in which robusta production and the associated deforestation lead even more farmers to convert to robusta in order to cope with changing environmental conditions. If climate change is occurring in Kerala, it would not only be threatening cultivated coffee, but also a multitude of wild species. At least six species of wild coffee are known to occur in India.According to a recent study there are now 124 known species of wild coffee, each with their own under-studied and potentially useful characteristics, such as drought or pest resistance, unique flavor profiles, or naturally decaffeinated beans.Of these, an estimated 60% are threatened with extinction due mostly to climate change and habitat loss.The following analysis examines the local climate of Wayanad in recent decades to determine if any changes are occurring. Farmers interviewed during a field visit to Kerala assert that local conditions have become hotter and drier, especially during specific times of the year that are important to the life cycle of the coffee plant. The farmers of Wayanad have suggested an increasingly unpredictable monsoon season, a failure of the “blossom rains” in early spring, and a decrease in November showers. The following study was conducted to corroborate the personal experience of these farmers, and, in the event that trends are found, to determine if causal factors point to global-scale or local forcings. The district of Wayanad in the State of Kerala, India is a mountainous tropical region with altitudes ranging from 700 to 2100m above sea level, daily temperature minimums from 14˚ – 20˚ C, and daily temperature maximums from 25 – 32˚ C.

Additional litigation is working its way through the court system

The periodic renewal votes conducted for most programs reveal their popularity, with positive votes typically above 90 percent. A number of marketing programs have, however, encountered problems. As a group, the programs using quantity controls to practice price discrimination have lost governmental and legislative support, due to perceived adverse impacts on U.S. consumers. The programs with the strongest potential for increasing producer prices, including hops, lemons, Navel oranges, and Valencia oranges, have been terminated by the Secretary of Agriculture. Those orders with quantity controls nowadays use them infrequently.Informed observers agree that it will be very difficult to gain approval for a new marketing order with strong quantity controls. Programs compelling producer and handler support of commodity advertising programs have faced withering legal challenges in recent years based upon the argument that they represent an undue restriction on commercial free speech under the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Two recent rulings on the issue by the U.S. Supreme Court have done little to clarify matters.If the courts find ultimately that producers and handlers cannot be compelled to support an industry’s advertising program, it will likely fail due to free-rider problems. If the courts decide in favor of mandatory support, current programs will continue and new programs may emerge. There will, however, be increased monitoring of program costs and benefits to assure program supporters that their funds are being well-spent. Research funding pressures may require commodity groups to increase their support for research programs, if they want research to be done. The mandated programs provide a proven means for commodity-based research support,blueberry grow pot and they may take on an increased research role, as has been done by the California strawberry industry.

California agricultural producers rely on foreign markets for a significant portion of their revenues and export relatively more than producers in other states do. The value of California agricultural exports totaled about $6.5 billion in 2002, or about 20 percent of the value of agricultural commodities produced in California.While it is not surprising that California’s export earnings exceed those of every other state since its farm cash receipts are the highest in the country, exports are relatively more important to California than to other states. While California accounts for 12 percent of national farm cash receipts , it accounts for an estimated 15 percent of total U.S. agricultural export revenue. To put these figures in an international context, the state of California exports more agricultural products than some leading agricultural countries do, including such countries as Chile and China. The annual value of Mexico’s agricultural exports is only slightly larger than California’s estimated value . California exports a wide variety of high-value specialty crops. As shown in table 1, the top six food product exports from California in 2002 were almonds, cotton, wine, table grapes, dairy, and oranges. The state is not a significant producer or exporter of grain crops such as corn, wheat, or soybeans. In fact, the state is a net importer of feed grains. Figure 1 highlights the diversity of California’s exports. The top five products account for just over one-third of California’s agricultural exports by value. Even when exports are aggregated into commodity groups, as opposed to individual products, the range of products exported by California is striking . According to UC Agricultural Issues Center statistics, fruit exports comprise 25 percent of the state’s agricultural exports, followed by field crops , tree nuts , vegetables , animal products and wine . This diversity of exports reflects California’s production diversity and differentiates the state from other important agricultural states in the U.S., which tend to produce only a few commodities. For instance, the agricultural sector in Iowa and Illinois is concentrated in just three commodities: corn, soybeans and hogs, which account for 70-80 percent of those states’ farm cash receipts.

Nebraska’s production of corn and cattle generates over 70 percent of that state’s farm receipts. Texas depends on the cattle sector, which produces 50 percent of its farm cash receipts . Of any other state in the U.S., the profile of Florida’s agriculture is perhaps most similar to California’s. While the value of agricultural production in Florida is about 25 percent of that in California, Florida’s agriculture is quite diversified and the state produces fruits, vegetables, and dairy products. However, Florida is not as dependent on foreign markets as California is; many of the state’s fruits and vegetables are sold domestically. Not surprisingly, this means that Florida’s growers tend to be more protectionist than growers in California. As we explain a little later, California growers have a great deal to gain from breaking down foreign barriers to trade in fruits and vegetables; this is less true for Florida growers. California’s exports are destined for a diverse group of relatively high income countries, with the exception of the increasingly important Chinese market. The major foreign markets for almonds and wine are in Europe, while significant markets for the other top commodities are in Canada, Mexico, and Asia. Penetration of these desirable markets is all the more impressive because these countries remain quite protectionist with respect to agriculture, as discussed in the next section. It is estimated that about 40 percent of California agricultural exports is destined for Asia, 20 percent to Europe, and 30 percent to North America. California exports nearly twice as much of its agricultural output to the relatively wealthy European Union markets compared to the U.S. as a whole .California agriculture faces a complex international trading environment, characterized by import tariffs, non-tariff trade barriers, new competitors, and relatively little traditional federal assistance compared to other states. In this section, we review the market environment in which California’s agricultural producers compete. Increasing foreign competition and relatively closed markets have created demand within California for both increased government support for agriculture , and further trade liberalization in foreign markets .

The internal contradictions between these positions have not been resolved. We argue later that California receives little benefit from the taxpayer dollars spent on foreign marketing; consequently, the California agricultural industry may wish to concentrate on achieving global trade liberalization even if this necessitates funding reductions for foreign marketing activities. In the last decade, the nominal value of total U.S. agricultural exports grew by about 30 percent. Exports of some commodities important to California grew more rapidly and some less rapidly than the national average. Over this time period, U.S. dairy exports increased by 265 percent and fresh vegetable exports increased by 73 percent. Figure 3 shows how the nominal values of some major California exports changed over the period 1995-2002. According to UC AIC and the Foreign Agricultural Service ,hydroponic bucket the fortunes of California’s commodities have been mixed; almonds and wine have fared somewhat better than tomatoes and raisins. While the total nominal value of California’s agricultural exports has declined by about 5 percent since 1995, this figure masks widely divergent trends across commodities, so no general conclusions can be drawn.In the 1990s the most significant import growth in world markets was in high valued and processed food products like those grown in California. The share of high value and processed agricultural products in world agricultural trade has increased from less than 40 percent in the early 1980s to well over 50 percent by the end of the 1990s . At the same time, the share of fruits and vegetables in world agricultural trade remained at about 17 percent from 1990 to 2001, with a dollar value of $69.8 billion in 2001, up from $51 billion in 1990 . The fact that fruit and vegetable trade did not increase any faster than total agricultural trade is very surprising given the growing per capita demand in developed countries for fresh fruits and vegetables. The stagnant share of fruit and vegetable trade no doubt reflects the high level of protectionism around the world for these food categories. For instance, two-tiered tariffs known as tariff-rate quotas are commonly used to restrict imports of fruits and vegetables. Worldwide, there are more than 350 TRQs placed on trade in fruits and vegetables, and more than 25 percent of all agricultural TRQs are concentrated in the fruit and vegetable trade . This phenomenon critically affects California agriculture. As an exporter of high-value food commodities, California must contend with the fact that import tariffs in important markets such as in the EU are generally higher on processed agricultural products than on the primary commodities. This tariff wedge between a processed commodity and its corresponding primary commodity is referred to as tariff escalation, and this is a significant obstacle to California exports. Tariff escalation produces a trade bias against processed agricultural products and value added products. There is general evidence of tariff escalation in OECD countries , especially for fruits, vegetables, and nuts—major California exports. For many countries, bound tariffs tend to be higher for processed food products than for unprocessed products . Furthermore, recent tariff reductions on agricultural products exceeded tarrif reductions on processed food products in Australia, Canada, the European Union and Mexico . Government transfers to the agricultural industry have contributed to the sector’s profitability in California, particularly for those farmers not growing nuts, fruits and vegetables.

Agricultural producers in California received $586 million in federal assistance in 2001; Of this about $242 million came as production flexibility contracts and loan deficiency payments. Supplemental funding of $258 million was paid directly to California farmers. The remainder of government payments to farmers came in the form of marketing support and conservation payments, which we discuss later in this chapter. While these federal government support payments are low in total compared to those states where the major agricultural products are grains or oil seeds, this does not imply that some agricultural producers in California do not benefit greatly from subsidies and protectionist measures.2 Over 100 farms in California received more than $425,000 each in subsidies in 2001 . Dairy, sugar and cattle producers receive significant protection from import barriers, and many producers receive subsidized inputs, particularly irrigation water. Sumner and Hart estimated the Producer Subsidy Equivalent paid to California agriculture in 1995 , where the PSE is defined as all government transfers to the industry including but not limited to production subsidies. They calculate that the California agricultural sector receives annual PSE transfers of $2.3 billion per year or about 11 percent of total commodity receipts. This is about one-half of the percentage PSE for all U.S. agriculture at the time, mainly because fruits and vegetables receive fewer transfers than the average commodity. However, California’s PSE is higher than the percentage PSE received by producers in liberalized markets like Australia and New Zealand where the 1995 PSE was about 3 percent. While the specific estimates of PSE vary over time, the general pattern identified by Sumner and Hart, that California producers have a lower PSE than the U.S. national average but higher than that for other agricultural exporters, holds today.The formation of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement in 1989 and the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994, has led to greatly expanded agricultural trade between Canada, California’s top market, and the U.S. NAFTA was designed to integrate economic activity among three nations: Canada, the U.S. and Mexico. It serves as a free trade agreement rather than a customs union or common market. Since 1989, U.S. agricultural exports to Canada have expanded by about 3 and one-half times, from $2.24 billion to $7.65 billion. Over the same period, agricultural imports from Canada have risen almost three-fold, from $2.93 billion to $8.66 billion. Fruits and vegetables account for more than one-third of Canada’s agricultural imports from the U.S., so California plays an important role in this north south trade. However, in spite of the CUSTA and NAFTA, Canada continues to intervene in agricultural trade flows. The country uses non-tariff barriers such as licenses that restrict imports of bulk produce, fresh fruits, vegetables, and wine. For instance, Canadian regulations on fresh fruit and vegetable imports prohibit consignment sales of fresh fruit and vegetables without a prearranged buyer . Canada also severely limits imports of dairy products, eggs, and poultry. According to the WTO Appellate Body, Canada’s supply management system for dairy provides implicit export subsidies for these products . Producer groups in the U.S. have called for the greater use of non-tariff barriers to limit agricultural imports from Canada. This has often been accomplished by the use of U.S. trade remedy laws.